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CORIOLANUS
Shakespeare has in this play shown himself well versed in history
and state affairs. CORIOLANUS is a storehouse of political
commonplaces. Any one who studies it may save himself the trouble of
reading Burke's Reflections, or Paine's Rights of Man, or the
Debates in both Houses of Parliament since the French Revolution or
our own. The arguments for and against aristocracy or democracy, on
the privileges of the few and the claims of the many, on liberty and
slavery, power and the abuse of it, peace and war, are here very
ably handled, with the spirit of a poet and the acuteness of a
philosopher. Shakespeare himself seems to have had a leaning to the
arbitrary side of the question, perhaps from some feeling of
contempt for his own origin; and to have spared no occasion of
baiting the rabble. What he says of them is very true: what he says
of their betters is also very true, though he dwells less upon it.--
The cause of the people is indeed but little calculated as a subject
for poetry: it admits of rhetoric, which goes into argument and
explanation, but it presents no immediate or distinct images to the
mind, 'no jutting frieze, buttress, or coigne of vantage' for poetry
'to make its pendant bed and procreant cradle in'. The language of
poetry naturally falls in with the language of power. The
imagination is an exaggerating and exclusive faculty: it takes from
one thing to add to another: it accumulates circumstances together
to give the greatest possible effect to a favourite object. The
understanding is a dividing and measuring faculty: it judges of
things, not according to their immediate impression on the mind, but
according to their relations to one another. The one is a
monopolizing faculty, which seeks the greatest quantity of present
excitement by inequality and disproportion; the other is a
distributive faculty, which seeks the greatest quantity of ultimate
good, by justice and proportion. The one is an aristocratical, the
other a republican faculty. The principle of poetry is a very anti-
levelling principle. It aims at effect, it exists by contrast. It
admits of no medium. It is everything by excess. It rises above the
ordinary standard of sufferings and crimes. It presents a dazzling
appearance. It shows its head turretted, crowned, and crested. Its
front is gilt and blood-stained. Before it 'it carries noise, and
behind it tears'. It has its altars and its victims, sacrifices,
human sacrifices. Kings, priests, nobles, are its train-bearers,
tyrants and slaves its executioners.--'Carnage is its daughter.'
Poetry is right-royal. It puts the individual for the species, the
one above the infinite many, might before right. A lion hunting a
flock of sheep or a herd of wild asses is a more poetical object
than they; and we even take part with the lordly beast, because our
vanity or some other feeling makes us disposed to place ourselves in
the situation of the strongest party. So we feel some concern for
the poor citizens of Rome when they meet together to compare their
wants and grievances, till Coriolanus comes in and with blows and
big words drives this set of 'poor rats', this rascal scum, to their
homes and beggary before him. There is nothing heroical in a
multitude of miserable rogues not wishing to be starved, or
complaining that they are like to be so: but when a single man comes
forward to brave their cries and to make them submit to the last
indignities, from mere pride and self-will, our admiration of his
prowess is immediately converted into contempt for their
pusillanimity. The insolence of power is stronger than the plea of
necessity. The tame submission to usurped authority or even the
natural resistance to it has nothing to excite or flatter the
imagination: it is the assumption of a right to insult or oppress
others that carries an imposing air of superiority with it. We had
rather be the oppressor than the oppressed. The love of power in
ourselves and the admiration of it in others are both natural to
man: the one makes him a tyrant, the other a slave. Wrong dressed
out in pride, pomp, and circumstance has more attraction than
abstract right.--Coriolanus complains of the fickleness of the
people: yet the instant he cannot gratify his pride and obstinacy at
their expense, he turns his arms against his country. If his country
was not worth defending, why did he build his pride on its defence?
He is a conqueror and a hero; he conquers other countries, and makes
this a plea for enslaving his own; and when he is prevented from
doing so, he leagues with its enemies to destroy his country. He
rates the people 'as if he were a God to punish, and not a man of
their infirmity'. He scoffs at one of their tribunes for maintaining
their rights and franchises: 'Mark you his absolute SHALL?' not
marking his own absolute WILL to take everything from them, his
impatience of the slightest opposition to his own pretensions being
in proportion to their arrogance and absurdity. If the great and
powerful had the beneficence and wisdom of Gods, then all this would
have been well: if with a greater knowledge of what is good for the
people, they had as great a care for their interest as they have
themselves, if they were seated above the world, sympathizing with
the welfare, but not feeling the passions of men, receiving neither
good nor hurt from them, but bestowing their benefits as free gifts
on them, they might then rule over them like another Providence. But
this is not the case. Coriolanus is unwilling that the senate should
show their 'cares' for the people, lest their 'cares' should be
construed into 'fears', to the subversion of all due authority; and
he is no sooner disappointed in his schemes to deprive the people
not only of the cares of the state, but of all power to redress
themselves, than Volumnia is made madly to exclaim:
Now the red pestilence strike all trades in Rome,
And occupations perish.
This is but natural: it is but natural for a mother to have more
regard for her son than for a whole city; but then the city should
be left to take some care of itself. The care of the state cannot,
we here see, be safely entrusted to maternal affection, or to the
domestic charities of high life. The great have private feelings of
their own, to which the interests of humanity and justice must
curtsy. Their interests are so far from being the same as those of
the community, that they are in direct and necessary opposition to
them; their power is at the expense of OUR weakness; their riches of
OUR poverty; their pride of OUR degradation; their splendour of OUR
wretchedness; their tyranny of OUR servitude. If they had the
superior knowledge ascribed to them (which they have not) it would
only render them so much more formidable; and from Gods would
convert them into Devils. The whole dramatic moral of Coriolanus is
that those who have little shall have less, and that those who have
much shall take all that others have left. The people are poor;
therefore they ought to be starved. They are slaves; therefore they
ought to be beaten. They work hard; therefore they ought to be
treated like beasts of burden. They are ignorant; therefore they
ought not to be allowed to feel that they want food, or clothing, or
rest, that they are enslaved, oppressed, and miserable. This is the
logic of the imagination and the passions; which seek to aggrandize
what excites admiration and to heap contempt on misery, to raise
power into tyranny, and to make tyranny absolute; to thrust down
that which is low still lower, and to make wretches desperate: to
exalt magistrates into kings, kings into gods; to degrade subjects
to the rank of slaves, and slaves to the condition of brutes. The
history of mankind is a romance, a mask, a tragedy, constructed upon
the principles of POETICAL JUSTICE; it is a noble or royal hunt, in
which what is sport to the few is death to the many, and in which
the spectators halloo and encourage the strong to set upon the weak,
and cry havoc in the chase, though they do not share in the spoil.
We may depend upon it that what men delight to read in books, they
will put in practice in reality.
One of the most natural traits in this play is the difference of the
interest taken in the success of Coriolanus by his wife and mother.
The one is only anxious for his honour; the other is fearful for his
life.
Volumnia. Methinks I hither hear your husband's drum:
I see him pluck Aufidius down by th' hair:
Methinks I see him stamp thus--and call thus--
Come on, ye cowards; ye were got in fear
Though you were born in Rome; his bloody brow
With his mail'd hand then wiping, forth he goes
Like to a harvest man, that's task'd to mow
Or all, or lose his hire.
Virgila. His bloody brow! Oh Jupiter, no blood.
Volumnia. Away, you fool; it more becomes a man
Than gilt his trophy. The breast of Hecuba,
When she did suckle Hector, look'd not lovelier
Than Hector's forehead, when it spit forth blood
At Grecian swords contending.
When she hears the trumpets that proclaim her son's return, she says
in the true spirit of a Roman matron:
These are the ushers of Martius: before him
He carries noise, and behind him he leaves tears.
Death, that dark spirit, in's nervy arm doth lie,
Which being advanc'd, declines, and then men die.
Coriolanus himself is a complete character: his love of reputation,
his contempt of popular opinion, his pride and modesty, are
consequences of each other. His pride consists in the inflexible
sternness of his will; his love of glory is a determined desire to
bear down all opposition, and to extort the admiration both of
friends and foes. His contempt for popular favour, his unwillingness
to hear his own praises, spring from the same source. He cannot
contradict the praises that are bestowed upon him; therefore he is
impatient at hearing them. He would enforce the good opinion of
others by his actions, but does not want their acknowledgements in
words.
Pray now, no more: my mother,
Who has a charter to extol her blood,
When she does praise me, grieves me.
His magnanimity is of the same kind. He admires in an enemy that
courage which he honours in himself: he places himself on the hearth
of Aufidius with the same confidence that he would have met him in
the field, and feels that by putting himself in his power, he takes
from him all temptation for using it against him.
In the title-page of Coriolanus it is said at the bottom of the
Dramatis Personae, 'The whole history exactly followed, and many of
the principal speeches copied, from the life of Coriolanus in
Plutarch.' It will be interesting to our readers to see how far this
is the case. Two of the principal scenes, those between Coriolanus
and Aufidius and between Coriolanus and his mother, are thus given
in Sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch, dedicated to Queen
Elizabeth, 1579. The first is as follows:
It was even twilight when he entered the city of Antium, and many
people met him in the streets, but no man knew him. So he went
directly to Tullus Aufidius' house, and when he came thither, he got
him up straight to the chimney-hearth, and sat him down, and spake
not a word to any man, his face all muffled over. They of the house
spying him, wondered what he should be, and yet they durst not bid
him rise. For ill-favouredly muffled and disguised as he was, yet
there appeared a certain majesty in his countenance and in his
silence: whereupon they went to Tullus, who was at supper, to tell
him of the strange disguising of this man. Tullus rose presently
from the board, and coming towards him, asked him what he was, and
wherefore he came. Then Martius unmuffled himself, and after he had
paused awhile, making no answer, he said unto himself, If thou
knowest me not yet, Tullus, and seeing me, dost not perhaps believe
me to be the man I am indeed, I must of necessity discover myself to
be that I am. 'I am Caius Martius, who hath done to thyself
particularly, and to all the Volsces generally, great hurt and
mischief, which I cannot deny for my surname of Coriolanus that I
bear. For I never had other benefit nor recompence of the true and
painful service I have done, and the extreme dangers I have been in,
but this only surname; a good memory and witness of the malice and
displeasure thou shouldest bear me. Indeed the name only remaineth
with me; for the rest, the envy and cruelty of the people of Rome
have taken from me, by the sufferance of the dastardly nobility and
magistrates, who have forsaken me, and let me be banished by the
people. This extremity hath now driven me to come as a poor suitor,
to take thy chimney-hearth, not of any hope I have to save my life
thereby. For if I had feared death, I would not have come hither to
put myself in hazard; but pricked forward with desire to be revenged
of them that thus have banished me, which now I do begin, in putting
my person into the hands of their enemies. Wherefore if thou hast
any heart to be wrecked of the injuries thy enemies have done thee,
speed thee now, and let my misery serve thy turn, and so use it as
my service may be a benefit to the Volsces: promising thee, that I
will fight with better good will for all you, than I did when I was
against you. Knowing that they fight more valiantly who know the
force of the enemy, than such as have never proved it. And if it be
so that thou dare not, and that thou art weary to prove fortune any
more, then am I also weary to live any longer. And it were no wisdom
in thee to save the life of him who hath been heretofore thy mortal
enemy, and whose service now can nothing help, nor. pleasure thee.'
Tullus hearing what he said, was a marvellous glad man, and taking
him by the hand, he said unto him: 'Stand up, O Martius, and be of
good cheer, for in proffering thyself unto us, thou doest us great
honour: and by this means thou mayest hope also of greater things at
all the Volsces' hands.' So he feasted him for that time, and
entertained him in the honourablest manner he could, talking with
him of no other matter at that present: but within few days after,
they fell to consultation together in what sort they should begin
their wars.
The meeting between Coriolanus and his mother is also nearly the
same as in the play.
Now was Martius set then in the chair of state, with all the honours
of a general, and when he had spied the women coming afar off, he
marvelled what the matter meant: but afterwards knowing his wife
which came foremost, he determined at the first to persist in his
obstinate and inflexible rancour. But overcome in the end with
natural affection, and being altogether altered to see them, his
heart would not serve him to tarry their coining to his chair, but
coming down in haste, he went to meet them, and first he kissed his
mother, and embraced her a pretty while, then his wife and little
children. And nature so wrought with him, that the tears fell from
his eyes, and he could not keep himself from making much of them,
but yielded to the affection of his blood, as if he had been
violently carried with the fury of a most swift-running stream.
After he had thus lovingly received them, and perceiving that his
mother Volumnia would begin to speak to him, he called the chiefest
of the council of the Volsces to hear what she would say. Then she
spake in this sort: 'If we held our peace, my son, and determined
not to speak, the state of our poor bodies, and present sight of our
raiment, would easily betray to thee what life we have led at home,
since thy exile and abode abroad; but think now with thyself, how
much more unfortunate than all the women living, we are come hither,
considering that the sight which should be most pleasant to all
others to behold, spiteful fortune had made most fearful to us:
making myself to see my son, and my daughter here her husband,
besieging the walls of his native country: so as that which is the
only comfort to all others in their adversity and misery, to pray
unto the Gods, and to call to them for aid, is the only thing which
plungeth us into most deep perplexity. For we cannot, alas, together
pray, both for victory to our country, and for safety of thy life
also: but a world of grievous curses, yea more than any mortal enemy
can heap upon us, are forcibly wrapped up in our prayers. For the
bitter sop of most hard choice is offered thy wife and children, to
forgo one of the two; either to lose the person of thyself, or the
nurse of their native country. For myself, my son, I am determined
not to tarry till fortune in my lifetime do make an end of this war.
For if I cannot persuade the rather to do good unto both parties,
than to overthrow and destroy the one, preferring love and nature
before the malice and calamity of wars, thou shalt see, my son, and
trust unto it, thou shalt no sooner march forward to assault thy
country, but thy foot shall tread upon thy mother's womb, that
brought thee first into this world. And I may not defer to see the
day, either that my son be led prisoner in triumph by his natural
countrymen, or that he himself do triumph of them, and of his
natural country. For if it were so, that my request tended to save
thy country, in destroying the Volsces, I must confess, thou
wouldest hardly and doubtfully resolve on that. For as to destroy
thy natural country, it is altogether unmeet and unlawful, so were
it not just and less honourable to betray those that put their trust
in thee. But my only demand consisteth, to make a gaol delivery of
all evils, which delivereth equal benefit and safety, both to the
one and the other, but most honourable for the Volsces. For it shall
appear, that having victory in their hands, they have of special
favour granted us singular graces, peace and amity, albeit
themselves have no less part of both than we. Of which good, if so
it came to pass, thyself is the only author, and so hast thou the
only honour. But if it fail, and fall out contrary, thyself alone
deservedly shalt carry the shameful reproach and burthen of either
party. So, though the end of war be uncertain, yet this
notwithstanding is most certain, that if it be thy chance to
conquer, this benefit shalt thou reap of thy goodly conquest, to be
chronicled the plague and destroyer of thy country. And if fortune
overthrow thee, then the world will say, that through desire to,
revenge thy private injuries, thou hast for ever undone thy good
friends, who did most lovingly and courteously receive thee.'
Martius gave good ear unto his mother's words, without interrupting
her speech at all, and after she had said what she would, he held
his peace a pretty while, and answered not a word. Hereupon she
began again to speak unto him, and said; 'My son, why dost thou not
answer me? Dost thou think it good altogether to give place unto thy
choler and desire of revenge, and thinkest thou it not honesty for
thee to grant thy mother's request in so weighty a cause? Dost thou
take it honourable for a nobleman, to remember the wrongs and
injuries done him, and dost not in like case think it an honest
nobleman's part to be thankful for the goodness that parents do show
to their children, acknowledging the duty and reverence they ought
to bear unto them? No man living is more bound to show himself
thankful in all parts and respects than thyself; who so universally
showest all ingratitude. Moreover, my son, thou hast sorely taken of
thy country, exacting grievous payments upon them, in revenge of the
injuries offered thee; besides, thou hast not hitherto showed thy
poor mother any courtesy. And therefore it is not only honest, but
due unto me, that without compulsion I should obtain my so just and
reasonable request of thee. But since by reason I cannot persuade
thee to it, to what purpose do I defer my last hope?' And with these
words herself, his wife and children, fell down upon their knees
before him: Martius seeing that, could refrain no longer, but went
straight and lifted her up, crying out, 'Oh mother, what have you
done to me?' And holding her hard by the right hand, 'Oh mother,'
said he, 'you have won a happy victory for your country, but mortal
and unhappy for your son: for I see myself vanquished by you alone.'
These words being spoken openly, he spake a little apart with his
mother and wife, and then let them return again to Rome, for so they
did request him; and so remaining in the camp that night, the next
morning he dis-lodged, and marched homeward unto the Volsces'
country again.
Shakespeare has, in giving a dramatic form to this passage, adhered
very closely and properly to the text. He did not think it necessary
to improve upon the truth of nature. Several of the scenes in JULIUS
CAESAR, particularly Portia's appeal to the confidence of her
husband by showing him the wound she had given herself, and the
appearance of the ghost of Caesar to Brutus, are, in like manner,
taken from the history.
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